Sometime
in 2004, Governor Ayo Fayose was reported by The News
magazine to have stolen N1.2 billion from the coffers of Ekiti State
government. The brutal killings in the state were
also traced to a killer squad funded by the
governor.
Embarrassed
by the publication Mr. Fayose sued the magazine at the high
court holden at Ado Ekiti. Our law
firm defended the magazine and
pleaded justification. At the trial of the case the allegations in the publication were proved
beyond any shadow of doubt...
In dismissing the suit the trial judge said that Mr. Fayose had no reputation worthy of protection by any court. The allegation of the looting of the treasury of the state was investigated by the EFCC which proceeded to charge Mr. Fayose at the Federal High Court. The Police also charged him with the murder of Tunde Omojola at the Ekiti state high court. Both cases were pending in court when he contested and ‘won’ the Ekiti State governorship election. Shortly thereafter, a young army officer, Captain Sagir Koli exposed the involvement of some armed personnel led by General Aliyu Momoh in the coup which led to the ‘re election’ of Governor Fayose. All the criminal suspects initially denied their involvement in the criminal enterprise. But when confronted with the tape recording of the plot to manipulate the election Mr. Fayose admitted that he took part in the coup.
In dismissing the suit the trial judge said that Mr. Fayose had no reputation worthy of protection by any court. The allegation of the looting of the treasury of the state was investigated by the EFCC which proceeded to charge Mr. Fayose at the Federal High Court. The Police also charged him with the murder of Tunde Omojola at the Ekiti state high court. Both cases were pending in court when he contested and ‘won’ the Ekiti State governorship election. Shortly thereafter, a young army officer, Captain Sagir Koli exposed the involvement of some armed personnel led by General Aliyu Momoh in the coup which led to the ‘re election’ of Governor Fayose. All the criminal suspects initially denied their involvement in the criminal enterprise. But when confronted with the tape recording of the plot to manipulate the election Mr. Fayose admitted that he took part in the coup.
Based on
the expose by Captain Koli the authorities of the Nigerian Army set up a panel of enquiry to investigate the role of the armed soldiers in the
violent subversion of the democratic process in
Ekiti State. The panel conducted the inquiry and
identified the military officers and soldiers who
participated in the coup which led to the pyrrhic
victory of Mr. Ayo Fayose. The report of the
panel was submitted to the Chief
of Army Staff who promised to act
on it by implementing its recommendations.
The
indicted military officers and armed soldiers have since been flushed out of the Nigerian army.
Some of them were also referred to the EFCC for
further investigation over allegations of
financial inducement and corrupt
practices. The findings of the
army panel have been corroborated by Mr. Fayose’s campaign manager, Dr. T. K. Aluko who addressed several press conferences wherein he
gave graphic details of the illegal deployment of
armed troops and criminal diversion of public
funds for the governorship
election allegedly won by Mr. Fayose.
In particular, he revealed that the fund for the election was ferried to Ado Ekiti by a former
minister who is currently on self exile in the
United States.
While
not challenging the allegation by the EFCC that the sum of N1.3 billion has been traced to his
personal account Mr. Fayose has attempted to hide
under the immunity clause to shield himself from
investigation. Contrary to the governor’s claim
he does not enjoy immunity from
investigation with respect to his
criminal involvement in treasonable conduct
and corrupt practices. It is trite law that all the public officers protected by Section 308 of the
Constitution can be investigated for corruption
and other criminal offences. In
Chief Gani Fawehinmi vs. Inspector
General of Police (2002) 23 WRN 1 the Supreme Court held:
“That a
person protected under section 308 of the 1999 Constitution, going by its provisions, can be investigated by the police for an alleged crime or
offence is, in my view, beyond dispute. To hold
otherwise is to create a monstrous situation
whose manifestation may not be
fully appreciated until illustrated…The
evidence may be useful for impeachment
purposes if the House of Assembly may
have need of it. It may no doubt be used for prosecution of the said incumbent Governor after he
has left office. But to do nothing under the
pretext that a Governor cannot be
investigated is a disservice to
the society.”
To
ensure that the investigation of the public officers covered by the immunity clause is not
compromised by the executive the Chief Justice of
Nigeria is empowered by section 52 of the ICPC
Act to appoint an Independent
Counsel (who shall be a legal
practitioner of not less than 15 years standing) to investigate any allegation of corruption against
the President, Vice President Governor or Deputy
Governor. The ICPC is enjoined to fully cooperate
with such independent counsel and provide all
facilities necessary for such independent
counsel to carry out his
functions. At the end of the investigation
the Independent Counsel is required to make a report of the findings to the National Assembly in the case of the President or Vice
President and to the relevant House of Assembly
of a State in the case of the
Governor or Deputy Governor.
Since there is no immunity for impunity as far as electoral malfeasance is concerned the investigation by the EFCC is in order. The senior lawyers who have questioned the freezing of Mr. Fayose’s account on the ground that the EFCC did not obtain a court order have not read section 28 of the EFCC Act which provides that “where a person is arrested for an offence under this Act, the Commission shall immediately trace and attach all the assets and properties of the person acquired as a result of such economic or financial crime and shall thereafter cause to be obtained an interim attachment order from the Court”. The law permits the EFCC to freeze an account or attach a property of a criminal suspect and proceed thereafter to obtain an ex parte order from the appropriate court.
Since there is no immunity for impunity as far as electoral malfeasance is concerned the investigation by the EFCC is in order. The senior lawyers who have questioned the freezing of Mr. Fayose’s account on the ground that the EFCC did not obtain a court order have not read section 28 of the EFCC Act which provides that “where a person is arrested for an offence under this Act, the Commission shall immediately trace and attach all the assets and properties of the person acquired as a result of such economic or financial crime and shall thereafter cause to be obtained an interim attachment order from the Court”. The law permits the EFCC to freeze an account or attach a property of a criminal suspect and proceed thereafter to obtain an ex parte order from the appropriate court.
I am not
unaware that by the strict interpretation of section 308 of the Constitution no court process can
be issued or served on a governor. But because
immunity cannot be pleaded or invoked to cover
electoral fraud, elected governors are served
with court processes and dragged
to court to respond to allegations
of electoral malpractice. However, in order to give effect and validity to the equality of the rights of all contestants in a presidential or governorship elections it has been held by the
Supreme Court that immunity clause cannot be
invoked in election petitions. Otherwise, public
officers covered by the immunity clause may take
advantage of their positions to rig elections and
thereby sabotage the democratic process. The
rationale for suspending the operation of the
immunity clause during the hearing of election
petition was explained by the late Justice Kayode
Eso in Obih Vs. Mbakwe (1984) All NLR 134 at 148
when he said:
“With
respect, to extend the immunity to cover the governors from being legally challenged when
seeking a second term will spell injustice. I am
conscious of the fact that in my interpretation
of section 267 of the
Constitution, I am giving that provision
a narrow interpretation. This is deliberate for in my view, in the interpretation of the
Constitution, care should be taken not to
diminish from the justice of the
matter, this is not a case of a judge
engaging in legislative process. ”
Similarly,
in Turaki v. Dalhaltu(2003) 38 WRN 54 at 168 the Court of Appeal (per Oguntade JCA (as he then was) had this to say:
“There
is no doubt that a Governor by the force of section 308 of the 1999 Constitution is immuned
from civil and criminal proceedings for his
personal acts but in proceedings
in an election petition or seeking
to enforce rights appertaining to or arising from national elections, no Governor in my view
enjoys or can claim immunity. In an election
matter, as in this case, the right
of the Governor to remain such
Governor is in issue. If a Governor were to be considered immuned from court proceedings, that
would create the position where a sitting
Governor would be able to flout
election laws and regulations to
the detriment of other person contesting with him. This will make a nonsense of the election process
and be against the spirit of our national Constitution
which in its tenor provides for a free and fair
election.”
In the case of the Alliance for Democracy v. Peter Ayodele Fayose (No 1) (2004) 26 WRN 34 the Respondent had challenged the issuance of a subpoena on him on the ground that Section 308 has conferred immunity on him as a governor. While dismissing the objection the Court of Appeal (per Muri Okunola JCA) held:
In the case of the Alliance for Democracy v. Peter Ayodele Fayose (No 1) (2004) 26 WRN 34 the Respondent had challenged the issuance of a subpoena on him on the ground that Section 308 has conferred immunity on him as a governor. While dismissing the objection the Court of Appeal (per Muri Okunola JCA) held:
“…The
provisions of section 308 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria are
not
applicable to confer immunity on a State Governor in an election petition involving his election to preclude the issuance of subpoena on
him. Or put in another way: the immunity provided
by the provisions of section 308 of the
Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria 1999 on a State Governor
is put in abeyance when his election is being disputed before an Election Tribunal as to make him amenable to being compelled by a
subpoena to tender document(s) or give evidence
before the Election Tribunal.”
In view
of the fact that the effect of section 308 of the Constitution has been watered down Governor
Fayose cannot invoke the immunity clause to
shield himself from investigation.
Since the offences of fraud,
treason and criminal diversion of public funds were allegedly committed in connection with the
2014 governorship election in Ekiti state Mr.
Fayose who was a candidate of the
PDP at the material time is liable
to be investigated. And if he is indicted Mr. Fayose ought to be prosecuted by the EFCC since
the immunity of a governor is put in abeyance
when the legitimacy of his
election is in dispute.
Finally,
in his desperate bid to divert public attention from the ongoing investigation of the criminal
diversion of public funds Mr. Fayose has
attempted to link me with his
indictment by the Nigerian Army and
the EFCC. Notwithstanding that the allegation is completely baseless I fully support the investigations. I do not need to instigate the anti
graft agencies to enquire into the activities of
a serial treasury looter. Having
admitted his involvement in the
coup which occurred in Ekiti State
which culminated in his emergence as governor Mr. Fayose ought to be prosecuted for treason which arose from the electoral malfeasance.
Femi Falana is a Lagos based lawyer and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, SAN

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