AFRICA’s most populous nation,
Nigeria will next year complete uninterrupted twenty years of democratic
governments. The Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) formed in 1998 by merger of
numerous groups after the annulment of June 12-election by General Ibrahim Babangida’s
military junta, controlled power at the center uninterruptedly for sixteen
years from 1999 albeit under three respective presidents; Chief Olusegun
Obasanjo - late Umaru Yar’Adua - Goodluck Jonathan.
Unfortunately, the administrations
had same records in common; monumental fraud, fantastically-corrupt system,
administrative deficiencies and autocratic tendencies, though Yar’Adua’s
administration was short-lived, thus a decisive clamour for change.
In 2014, to actualize a change of
government against admitted maladroitness then, some radical forces fused which
led to the ‘broom revolution’; hence, All Progressives Congress (APC ) was birthed with litany of promises. And by a resilient electoral wind in 2015,
Muhammadu Buhari won as APC’s first government thereby swept out PDP from power.
Since then, APC navigates the
nation as ruling party. Incidentally, whilst some give the government credit
including international community, opposition punctures it simultaneously from
all sides.
However, as Nigeria runs a
quadrennial system, the present administration is winding up on May 29, 2019 either
for a second term or stepping aside. The ruling party, APC ,
most likely with President Buhari as its flag-bearer will contend with other parties.
To strengthen their capacity, PDP has rallied around other parties including Obasanjo’s
ADC for a merger, hence the Coalition of United Political Parties (CUPP)
towards presenting a consensus candidate against APC.
Recently, some distressed APC members
in the National Assembly, strategically, first tagged themselves as rAPC – some
interpreted ‘recalcitrant-APC’, some as ‘rejected-APC’ and another set,
‘reformed-APC’. They copiously made threats of defection and finally did lately.
Incidentally, whilst they issued threats, other ambitious bigwigs wished their
threats come through, and energetically work towards securing their positions.
Among their grievances were the president’s non-preferential treatments to
lawmakers in the fight against corruption and purported abuse of laws
particularly express purchase a fighter-jet to aid security in the country,
among others.
Without a doubt, a good merger will boost
the numerical strength of the opposition for a tough battle to unseat the present
Aso Rock number-one occupant. Nonetheless, the overriding factor is the
presidential candidate vis-à-vis profile and political-will that the union will
produce. To oust the present government by the same groups with egotistic
mindsets that drained the country for almost two decades into economic recession
will not be an easy one putting into account some laudable policies President
Buhari administration put in motion especially diversification of the economy
and the ongoing fight against corruption.
The APC -led
federal government may not have done too well in the last three years and the
reasons are not far-fetched. The administration was inaugurated amidst collapsed
economy; stony-broke that the previous government finally resorted to loans for
workers’ salaries. The treasury was drained that appointment of ministers was
halted for 6 months while completion of ongoing projects let alone awarding new
contracts wasn’t practicable. Pensioners’ pays had become no-go areas and same
replicated across various state governments except Lagos, Anambra and few others.
Visibly, things abysmally fell apart. The World Bank icon, Ngozi Okonjo-Iwealla
then as supervising minister of the economy, couldn’t hold onto it but shouted
at the top of her voice on the looming dangers. Unfortunately, she was
surmounted by cabals in the government.
Presently, having prudently exited the
recession, 2018 budget for the first time since Buhari’s assumption of office
rekindled hopes of Nigerians with myriad of capital projects spread across all
the geopolitical zones in the country. Unfortunately, despite the timely
presentation, precisely on November 7, 2017 , it danced around and round at the
National Assembly until May 27 it was passed with some questionable increments
by lawmakers. Evidently, the system is adding values. For example, JAMB
recently remitted N7.8billion unlike before and similar reports across other
agencies. Again, most states in the federation have migrated to producers - an
index of economic progression irrespective of high cost of living at the moment.
By economic theory, market forces will on its own pull down the prices in no
distant time by persistent productivity. Thus, all things being equal, the present
administration improved the system.
Resultantly, the onerous challenge
facing the merged CUPP is the leadership material that can beat Buhari’s scorecard
which redeems the nation’s hitherto impaired image. The merger’s dominant
party, PDP is disreputable in the minds of Nigerians over its previous monumental
havocs on the economy. Another remarkable feat of Buhari’s administration is the
political will to bring to an end the ‘Ghana-must-go’ money bags that hitherto
characterized the legislative arm during PDP’s era.
Irrefutably, prior to this administration,
no legislative duties ever took place in the National Assembly without inducements;
screening of appointees, confirmation of appointments or budgets defense. It became
a norm for MDAs (ministries, department and agencies). Thus, with the same
dramatis personae as the coalition’s arrowheads with prejudiced tendencies, majority
will reasonably zero the alliance. It goes beyond merger but the actors
alongside their values. It is insufficient to merge for power but essentially, goals
to accomplish and mischiefs to remedy. If not, it is to say the least, a collection
of the fifth columnists.
Umegboro is a public affairs analyst and Associate of The Chartered
Institute of Arbitrators (United Kingdom). 07057101974-sms only
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